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(Fotografía: la aupair guanaquita. NY, mayo de 2005)
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Fotografía: Sandra Domínguez Infante
Texto: Onthe.]]>

Autor Jonathan Finer
Publicado en The Washington Post
Jueves, 14 de abril, 2005; Pagina A01

HARTFORD, Conn., April 13 -- Connecticut's House of Representatives passed legislation Wednesday that would make the state the second to establish civil unions for same-sex couples, and the first to do so without being directed by a court.

The state Senate overwhelmingly approved a civil-unions bill last week, and lawmakers said they expect to endorse the House version as early as next week. Gov. M. Jodi Rell (R) said Wednesday that she will sign it.

The House also passed an amendment -- favored by Rell and designed to make the bill more palatable to more conservative members -- that defines marriage as a union of one man and one woman.

"It's an unbelievable victory," said Rep. Michael P. Lawlor (D), one of the bill's main supporters. "The idea that both houses endorsed this concept of civil unions is an incredible step."

Connecticut's push toward civil unions cuts against a national backlash that has followed the legalization of such relationships in Vermont in 2000 and of same-sex marriage in Massachusetts last year. Unlike Connecticut, court rulings prompted the changes in those states.

In November, 11 states outlawed same-sex marriage through ballot initiatives, and at least 18 have passed "defense of marriage" amendments to their constitutions, defining marriage as the union of one man and one woman.

The Connecticut House bill passed 85 to 63 after six hours of debate that ended just after 8 p.m.

It would provide same-sex couples who form civil unions with state and municipal tax benefits now granted only to married couples, as well as hospital visitation rights and a host of other benefits, including family-leave privileges.

In the end, the most ardent advocates on both sides of the issue said they were disappointed.

"It's bittersweet, certainly, because of the amendment [defining marriage]. It's also surprising, because even last night we thought we had the votes to stop it," said Ann Stanback, president of the group Love Makes a Family, which lobbies for gay rights.

Marie T. Hilliard, executive director of the Connecticut Catholic Conference, which helped coordinate opposition to the bill, said that while she welcomes the amendment, she considers the bill "a defeat that undermines marriage for all of society."

Recent polls have shown that Connecticut residents favor allowing civil unions but not marriage for same-sex couples. But bill opponents argued that the measure is equivalent to extending marriage rights.

"I think we're just playing with words," said Rep. Alfred Adinolfi (R). "This bill is the same as same-sex marriage, it's just called civil unions."

Rell, who took office last year after of a corruption scandal that led to the imprisonment of her predecessor, John G. Rowland (R), had earlier said she was comfortable with "the concept" of civil unions but wanted to see the final version of the bill.]]>

Published: March 27, 2005, The New York Times
COLUMBUS, Ohio - Christian conservative leaders from scores of Ohio's fastest growing churches are mounting a campaign to win control of local government posts and Republican organizations, starting with the 2006 governor's race.

In a manifesto that is being circulated among church leaders and on the Internet, the group, which is called the Ohio Restoration Project, is planning to mobilize 2,000 evangelical, Baptist, Pentecostal and Roman Catholic leaders in a network of so-called Patriot Pastors to register half a million new voters, enlist activists, train candidates and endorse conservative causes in the next year.

The initial goal is to elect Secretary of State J. Kenneth Blackwell, a conservative Republican, governor in 2006. The group hopes to build grass-roots organizations in Ohio's 88 counties and take control of local Republican organizations.

"The establishment of the Ohio Republican Party is out of touch with its base," said Russell Johnson, the pastor of the Fairfield Christian Church and the principal organizer of the project. "It acts as if it lives in Boston, Mass."
Pastor Johnson's challenge to the party establishment could have far-reaching consequences in a state dominated by Republican elected officials but still considered a bellwether in presidential politics. Conservatives in other swing states are watching closely.

"In Ohio, the church is awakening to its historic role as the moral voice in the community," said Colin A. Hanna, president of Let Freedom Ring, a conservative group based in Pennsylvania that trains ministers in political activism. "Ohio is in the vanguard of that nationally. I very much want Pennsylvania to be with them."

The church leaders say they will try to harness the energy of religious conservatives who were vital not only to Mr. Bush's narrow victory in Ohio but also to passage of an amendment to the state constitution banning same-sex marriage. The amendment, known as Issue 1, was credited with drawing large numbers of rural and suburban conservatives to the polls and increasing Mr. Bush's support among urban blacks.

"We're calling people to act, not just wring their hands in the pews," said Rod Parsley, senior pastor of the World Harvest Church outside Columbus, who is considered a rising star in the religious broadcasting world and will be an inspirational speaker for the project. "We got people motivated last year, and then the election was over. We don't want folks to think our work is over."

Republican officials are watching warily. The chairman of the state party, Robert T. Bennett, warned that the decade-long dominance of his party could be jeopardized if it was pushed too far to the right. "This is a party of a big tent," Mr. Bennett said. "The far right cannot elect somebody by itself, any more than somebody from the far left can."

The conservatives point to the governor's race as an example of what they consider wrong with the state Republican Party. Of the three Republican candidates, only Mr. Blackwell has the solid support of religious conservatives. Jim Petro, the attorney general, opposed the same-sex marriage amendment on the grounds that it would invite litigation against companies that provided domestic partner benefits. Betty D. Montgomery, the state auditor, has supported some abortion rights.

Gov. Bob Taft, who cannot run for re-election because of term limits, allowed a sales tax increase to close a budget shortfall and opposed the marriage amendment.

"We're very confused that you have a Republican Party platform, and yet people running for higher office pay no attention to it," said Phil Burress, the leader of the Issue 1 campaign, who is also helping organize the Restoration Project. "Why don't they just become Democrats?" he asked.

[On March 22, Mr. Petro announced that his running mate for lieutenant governor would be Phil Heimlich, a conservative from Cincinnati, and Ms. Montgomery has asked for a meeting with Pastor Johnson. Conservatives said that was evidence that the candidates recognized the churches' power.]
"They understand what happens when 100,000 people committed to our views are on the same page," Pastor Johnson said. "In their little political gatherings and cocktail meetings at the country club, they can't build that kind of loyalty. They can't spend millions to buy what our people will give for free."

In a three-way primary, many Republican leaders say, Mr. Blackwell has a solid chance of winning because conservatives represent much of the party's base. But moderates worry that he could alienate independent voters and lose the general election. Some are discussing enlisting the White House to prod Mr. Blackwell to quit the race.

In a recent meeting of leaders from some of the state's largest churches, many of them in booming Republican suburbs, the Restoration Project issued a blueprint calling for Patriot Pastors to register 500,000 new voters by the May 2006 primary, then inform and energize them with voter guides, rallies and so-called e-prayer networks on the Internet. The group hopes to raise $1 million and is considering creating a political action committee to provide direct donations to candidates.

The project, which describes itself as nonpartisan and nonprofit, will not endorse candidates. But Mr. Blackwell will be invited to speak to pastoral meetings and to a statewide Ohio for Jesus rally next spring, along with other prominent Christian conservatives like the Rev. Franklin Graham, Dr. James Dobson and Charles Colson, the plan says.

Democrats say they are buoyed by the insurgency of Mr. Blackwell. "He's formidable in many ways, but he's the candidate we'd most like to run against," said Greg Haas, a strategist for Michael Coleman, the mayor of Columbus, who is seen as a favorite for the Democratic nomination.

In an interview, Mr. Blackwell, who is black, said that Ohio had shifted to the right and that he now represented mainstream voters. He also predicted that he would draw black religious conservatives into the Republican Party, breaking the Democrats' hold on urban precincts.

"I think what's happening is we're seeing a struggle for the heart and soul of the Republican Party," he said. "And that's healthy."

Experts said that religious conservatives could bring energy to campaigns, but that they had mixed results trying to win control of local political organizations.

"For short periods of time, they often had successes," said John C. Green, a professor of political science at the University of Akron. "But it was very difficult to sustain."

Barry W. Lynn, executive director of Americans United for Separation of Church and State, said the Restoration Project might have greater impact because it was more homegrown and had ties to a wider array of denominations than previous groups like the Moral Majority.

"This represents a new wave in organizing on the part of conservative evangelicals," Mr. Lynn said. "From my standpoint, as someone who doesn't agree with their conclusions, this is a more dangerous model."

Pastor Johnson says the project can sustain political energy. Among conservative leaders, his church, which draws 2,500 regular Sunday worshipers in a heavily Republican suburb of Columbus, is considered a model for activism. In the last five years, a half dozen of its congregants have been elected to local offices, including a judge, several Lancaster city councilmen and the Fairfield County sheriff, Dave Phalen.

Mr. Phalen said he was encouraged by church members to run for office in 2000, when the incumbent was under investigation for corruption.

Sheriff Phelan's official letterhead now reads, "With God, all things are possible."

"These people turn out to vote," he said of Christian conservatives. "They give money and will become active. And there will always be issues to keep people mobilized."]]>

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Viendo y escuchando ciertas cosas, una se da cuenta de que todos los americanos no son iguales. Hasta que, claro, sucede lo que sucede.

La primera detenida no hizo nada de nada. Solo tuvo la mala pata de meterse por medio del poli mas cabreado de la reunion, al que la menda, desde hacia un rato le habia echado el ojo crujiendose los dedos, sacandole brillo a la porra y gritando con un cabreo tremendo a cuanta mosca se movia. El segundo detenido era todo un provocador de esos que se pasean por la linea policial cantando "soy la reina de los mares", por lo que nadie canto "let him free" cuando lo agarraron, sino "hold him tight". No, que nooooo, en realidad lo unico que se escucho fue a un 'freelance' rezando para que arrearan al detenido y asi vender bien la foto.

Momentos entrañables

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By BEN RATLIFF

Published: February 14, 2005
The New York Times

he flamenco singer Enrique Morente, now in his early 60's, is a symbol for the widening of the genre. He has helped mount theater projects based on literary works, adapted old and new poetry to traditional song forms, collaborated with a rock band - he has admitted to wishing he had become a rock singer long ago - and once presented a flamenco Mass.

But he is astonishingly good at the ancient, serious voice-and-guitar cante jondo (deep song) style and on Saturday night brought his version of it to a concert with the guitarist Tomatito, part of the weekend flamenco festival at Carnegie Hall. Mr. Morente and Tomatito haven't performed together for nearly 10 years, and their three duets - the heart of the concert - were exceptional displays of mutual response.

Small and stocky, Mr. Morente leaned forward in a chair behind a microphone and sang in long breaths that ran through several precise notes before coming down to the tonic again. When he reached the end of a marathon phrase, he would lower his head; he noiselessly clapped out the accents within the 12-count rhythms of each song, one a slow soleá, one a livelier alegría, one a fascinatingly static siguiriya tightened by the repetition of a single chord.

But Mr. Morente made it personal. He also bent notes into long, precipitous arcs, covering intervals as wide as a sixth; he seemed to abstract himself from the rhythm, stubbornly repeating a word or phrase as if struggling to understand their implications; he sang from the chest and produced foggy tones, giving a warp and mystery to his pitch. This gave Tomatito, the accompanist and subordinate, more possible directions, as he rocketed off small improvisations between phrases. In some places, there was the feeling that either of them could go anywhere.

The concert advanced by degrees. It opened with Tomatito playing a solo piece, full of searching improvisation, giving himself irresolutions to solve rather than sticking to the fast, smashing runs common to flamenco guitarists. Angel Gabarre and Antonio Carbonell joined him to perform palmas (hand clapping), along with Lucky Losada, who played cajón, a wooden-box percussion instrument. Mr. Morente appeared for the third song, a martinete - a traditional blacksmith's song - which the musicians, minus Tomatito, performed a cappella, arranged around a microphone like a bluegrass group. The stage lights were dimmed for the song, and the voices filled up the hall.

There were a few full-ensemble songs in the concert, and another martinete at the close, this time with Tomatito joining the semicircle and playing along. The singers held one bass note in a drone; Mr. Gabarre, Mr. Carbonell and Mr. Morente each emerged from the drone to take a brief turn singing the storylike song. Then the singers' lines began to overlap densely, before Mr. Morente broke through by restating the rhythmic accents: "Dah. Dah. Dah." They shifted to snapping fingers; they shifted to palmas; they accelerated the tempo for a few seconds and then slammed the song shut.

Back onstage after bellowing, stomping calls for an encore, Mr. Morente upheld his tradition of surprise, incorporating the first verse of Gershwin's "Summertime" into a short, final ensemble piece.]]>

State Avg. IQ 2004

1. Connecticut 113 Kerry
2. Massachusetts 111 Kerry
3. New Jersey 111 Kerry
4. New York 109 Kerry
5. Rhode Island 107 Kerry
6. Hawaii 106 Kerry
7. Maryland 105 Kerry
8. New Hampshire 105 Kerry
9. Illinois 104 Kerry
10. Delaware 103 Kerry
11. Minnesota 102 Kerry
12. Vermont 102 Kerry
13. Washington 102 Kerry
14. California 101 Kerry
15. Pennsylvania 101 Kerry
16. Maine 100 Kerry
17. Virginia 100 Bush
18. Wisconsin 100 Kerry
19. Colorado 99 Bush
20. Iowa 99 Bush
21. Michigan 99 Kerry
22. Nevada 99 Bush
23. Ohio 99 Bush
24. Oregon 99 Kerry
25. Alaska 98 Bush
26. Florida 98 Bush
27. Missouri 98 Bush
28. Kansas 96 Bush
29. Nebraska 95 Bush
30. Arizona 94 Bush
31. Indiana 94 Bush
32. Tennessee 94 Bush
33. North Carolina 93 Bush
34. West Virginia 93 Bush
35. Arkansas 92 Bush
36. Georgia 92 Bush
37. Kentucky 92 Bush
38. New Mexico 92 Bush
39. North Dakota 92 Bush
40. Texas 92 Bush
41. Alabama 90 Bush
42. Louisiana 90 Bush
43. Montana 90 Bush
44. Oklahoma 90 Bush
45. South Dakota 90 Bush
46. South Carolina 89 Bush
47. Wyoming 89 Bush
48. Idaho 87 Bush
49. Utah 87 Bush
50. Mississippi 85 Bush.


The IQ numbers were originally attributed to the book "IQ and the Wealth of Nations", though they do not appear in the current edition. The tests and data were administered via the Raven's APT, and the The Test Agency, one of the UK's leading publishers and distributors of psychometric tests. This data has been public]]>

Yo es verla y, no puedo evitarlo: me aflora la vena manolo!!!

(Fuente: Web site de The L World)]]>